History and Evolution of the Commons
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Draft by Michel Bauwens, 28/8/2017:
Is it possible to historicise the commons, to describe the evolution of the commons over time ?
This is our first draft and preliminary attempt to do so.
To do this we must of course define the commons. We generally agree with the definition that was given by David Bollier and others and which derives from the work of Elinor Ostrom and the researchers in this tradition.
In this context, the commons has been defined as a shared resource, which is co-owned and/or co-governed by its users and/or stakeholder communities, according to its rules and norms. It’s a combination of a ‘thing’, an activity, commoning as the maintenance and co-production of that resource, and a mode of governance. It is distinguished from private and public/state forms of managing resources.
But it’s useful to see commoning as one of four ways of distributing the fruits of a resource, which is different from state-based redistribution, from markets, and from the gift economy as obligatory reciprocity. In this context, commons is pooling/mutualizing a resource.
A number of relational grammars, especially that of Alan Page Fiske in Structures of Social Life, are very useful in that regard, as he distinguishes Authority Ranking (distribution according to rank), Equality Matching (the gift economy, as a social obligation to return a gift), Market Pricing and Communal Shareholding.
Kojin Karatani’s book about the Structure of World History is an excellent attempt to place the evolution of these modes of exchange, in a historical context. Pooling is the primary mode for the early tribal and nomadic forms of human organization, as ‘owning’ is counter-productive for nomads; the gift economy starts operating and becomes strongest in more complex tribal arrangements, especially after sedentarisation, since the social obligation of the gift and counter-gift, creates societies and pacifies relations. With the onset of class society, ‘Authority Ranking’ or re-distribution becomes dominant, and finally, the market system becomes dominant under capitalism.
Let’s now reformulate this in a hypothesis for civilisational, i.e. class history.
Class-based societies that emerged before capitalism, have relatively strong commons, and they are essentially the natural resource commons, which are the ones studied by the Ostrom school.
But with the emergence and evolution of capitalism and the market system, first as a emergent subsystem in the cities, we see the second form of commons becoming important, i.e. the social commons. In western history we see the emergence of the guild systems in the cities of the Middle Ages, which are solidarity systems for craft workers and merchants, in which ‘welfare’ systems are mutualized, and self government. When capitalism becomes dominant, and the lives of the workers, who are now divorced from the means of livelihood, becomes insecure and precarious, this new form of commons becomes the form of the commons appropriate under capitalism. In this sense, we can consider worker coops, along with mutuals etc… as a form of commons. Cooperatives are a legal form to manage social commons. With the welfare state, most of these commons were state-ified, i.e. managed by the state, and no longer by the commoners themselves.
Since 1973, the invention of the microchip, but especially since 1993 (the launch of the web browser), we see the birth, emergence and very rapid evolution of a third type of commons: the knowledge commons. But knowledge is a representation of material reality, and thus, the emergence of knowledge commons is bound to have an important effect on the modes of production and distribution.
I would then emit the hypothesis that this is the phase we have reached, i.e. the ‘phygital’ phase in which the we see the increased intertwining of ‘digital’ (i.e. knowledge) and the physical.
The first location of this inter-twining are the urban commons. I have had the opportunity to spend four months in the belgian city of Ghent, where we identified nearly 500 urban commons in every area of human provisioning (food. Shelter, transportation). Our great discovery was that these urban commons function essentially the same way as the digital commons communities. This means that they combine 1) a open productive community with 2) a for-benefit infrastructure organisation that maintains the infrastructure of the commons and 3) generative (in the best case) livelihood organisations which mediate between the market/state and the commons in order to insure the social reproduction of the commoners (i.e. their livelihoods).
In our vision, these urban commons, which according to at least two studies are going through an exponential fase of growth (a ten-fold growth in the last ten years), are the premise for a further deepening of the commons, preparing a new phase of deeper re-materialization.
We can indeed distinguish four types of commons according to two axes: material/immaterial, and co-produced/inherited.
Ostrom commons are mostly inherited material commons (natural resources); inherited immaterial commons, such as culture and language, are usually considered under the angle of the common heritage of mankind; knowledge commons are immaterial commons that are co-produced and finally, there is a largely missing category of material commons that are produced. We are talking here of what is traditionally called ‘capital’, but in the new context of an accumulation of the commons, rather than a accumulation of capital for the sake of capital.
In this new form of material commons, but heavily informed and molded by digital knowledge commons (hence ‘phygital’), the means of production themselves become a pooled resource. We foresee a combination of shared global knowledge resources (for example, exemplified by shared designs, and following the rule: all that is light is global and shared), and local cooperatively owned and managed micro-factories (following the rule: all that is heavy is local).
This cosmo-local (DGML: design global, manufacture local) mode of production and distribution, has the following characteristics:
- Protocol cooperativism: the underlying immaterial and algorhitmic protocols are shared and open source, using copyfair principles (free sharing of knowledge, but commercialization conditioned by reciprocity)
- Open cooperativism: the commons-based coops are distinguished from ‘collective capitalism’ by their commitment to creating and expanding common goods for the whole of society
- Platform cooperativism: the platforms are the commons managing the exchanges that may be needed
- Open and contributive accounting: fair distribution mechanisms that recognize all contributions
- Open and shared supply chains for mutual coordination
- Non-dominium forms of ownership (the means of production are held in common for the benefit of all participants in the eco-system.
In our opinion, the current wave of urban commons, is a prefiguration of the coming wave of scaled up material commons for the production and distribution of value in post-capitalist systems."