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==Typology==


Typology of Collaborative [[Community]] within the firm


=Typology=
Paul S. Adler and [[Charles Heckscher]]:


Typology of [[Collaborative Community]] within the firm
'''Source: Paul S. Adler and Charles Heckscher. Towards Collaborative Community / (Book: The Corporation as a Collaborative Community)'''
URL = http://www-rcf.usc.edu/~padler/research/01-Heckscher-chap01%20copy-1.pdf
Paul S. Adler and Charles Heckscher:
Three organizing principles and three forms of community:
"Abstractly speaking, we can identify three primary principles of social
organization. Hierarchy uses authority to create and coordinate a horizontal
and vertical division of labor—a bureaucracy in Weber’s ideal-type
form. Market relies on the price mechanism to coordinate competing and
anonymous suppliers and buyers. Community relies on shared values and
norms.
Real collectivities embody variable mixes of these principles.
Moreover, real collectivities may best be mapped using the principles as three orthogonal
dimensions rather than as three apexes of a two-dimensional triangle:
the fact that oneprinciple is a powerful factor shaping a particular collectivity
does not preclude one or both of the other principles fromalso being powerful
factors. However neither hierarchy nor market can actually function
without at least some underpinning of community. Neither can function
without a stable set of expectations shared by its members—that, for
example, contracts will be honored and doing one’s duties will be rewarded.
The form of community differs depending on its relation to the other
two principles of social organization. When the dominant principle of
social organization is hierarchy, community takes the form of
Gemeinschaft. When the dominant principle shifts to market, community
mutates from Gemeinschaft into Gesellschaft.We postulate that when community
itself becomes the dominant organizing principle, it will take a
form quite different from either Gemeinschaft or Gesellschaft.
Aspects of this new form of community can be discerned in the organization
of science and the professions. Today, we argue, this new form is
also emerging in the heart of the corporate realm.
To summarize the
argument below, we can contrast the new form of community with the
two earlier ones on three fundamental dimensions:
1. Values: Community is first a set of value orientations shared (more or
less) by all members of a group. Everyone can assume that the others
will orient to those values and can therefore predict their actions and
responses. This forms the basis for trust among individuals and order
in social interaction. Collaborative community is distinctive in its
reliance on value-rationality—participants coordinate their activity
through their commitment to common, ultimate goals. Its highest
value is interdependent contribution, as distinct from loyalty or individual
integrity.
2. Organization: Community is also a social structure, specifying the
boundaries of reference groups, the appropriate forms of authority,
and the division of labor. Collaborative community is distinctive in
social structures that support interdependent process management
through formal and informal social structures.
3. Identify: Community cannot be effective as an organizing principle if
it is merely an external constraint on people or a socially sanctioned
set of values: it must become internalized in personalities and motivational
systems. Collaborative community is distinctive especially
in its reliance on interactive social character and interdependent selfconstruals:
rather than orienting to a single source of morality and
authority, the personality must reconcile multiple conflicting
identities and construct a sense of wholeness from competing attachments
and interactions."
==Gemeinschaft: traditional community==
"In its traditional ([[Gemeinschaft]]) form, community itself had a sacred quality.
As To¨nnies (1887) argued, Gemeinschaft had a hierarchical structure, in
which individuals and subunits are related in clear chains of subordination
to the superordinate leader whose authority derives from tradition
or charisma (per Weber). The core values are therefore those of loyalty
and deference.
In such a social structure, horizontal relations, such as the relations of
husband and wife, of doctor and patient, even of merchant and client, are
defined indirectly, in terms of status obligations and their ‘fit’ within the
larger system rather than through direct interaction or negotiation. In
effect, the proper relationship between two parties can be read directly
from their respective social roles. Challenges to status or violations of
obligations of deference are a deeply feared threat to order. Those who are honorable,
in other words, are trustworthy. A large system of sanctions, especially the
force of reputation in the community, centers on the performance of these
obligations.
This form of community is necessarily closed and particularistic, and
this closure is reflected in the nature of social identities. Identities under
Gemeinschaft typically trace a sharp differentiation between insiders and
outsiders. They are conformist, because conformity defines insider status.
They have hierarchy built in. Friendships and romantic relationships do
exist in traditional societies, but if they cross the boundaries of the status
system they are seen as grave threats to order.
Clearly such a form of community leaves little room for modern markets,
let alone systematic innovation. Under Gemeinschaft conditions,
these processes must be organized informally and in the interstices of
the system."
==[[Gesellshaft]]===
"The development of individualism was an upheaval that shook apart the
traditional order. It ‘took degree away,’ freeing people from the strictures
of status and therefore destroying the basis of trust in the status order. In
its place it put as the basis of trust the integrity of the individual; trust
became based on the consistency—generally the rational consistency—of
action. It led to the necessity of forming an independently coherent sense
of the self, distinct from social roles and institutions.
One core insight in both Weber and Durkheim is that the move to
individualism did not mean the elimination of the shared moral beliefs,
or even a relaxation of them. It involved rather the development of a new
content to the moral order. Both associated this change with Protestantism,
which created a moral imperative for individualism. Both stressed that
individualism in this sense was not a matter of the expression of an
essential ‘human nature,’ but quite the contrary, a socially determined
obligation which created heavy burdens on personality: an obligation to be
rational, self-interested, and consistent. It is in this sense that Gesellschaft
is not the negation of community but a form of it. The individualism in
Protestantism produced enormous pressures for the rationalization of
motivation and the acceptance of individual responsibility, and (as Durkheim
noted) the overload could easily lead to pathologies such as suicide.
On the one hand, this value system—of which Protestantism is only one
manifestation—supported and framed a market economy by freeing action
from the constraints of status and by requiring a consistent moral
person who can be responsible for promises and contracts.14 On the other
hand, the second insight we take from Durkheim and Weber, as well as
from Marx and other critics of modernity, is that this modern value is
inherently incomplete and contradictory because it disconnects values
from relationships. It breaks the communal ties of traditional society by
separating people from each other. It does not provide a framework for
lateral relationships of colleagueship and collaboration; indeed, it radically
separates individuals from each other and connects them (in the
Protestant version) directly to God or (in secular versions) to their own
private grounding of values. Values aside from individualism itself thus
become personal and private rather than ways of connecting to others.
Gesellschaft is thus inevitably associated with subjective alienation. The
communal dimension cannot be removed from human relationships
without a loss of sense of self and of meaning. It is not surprising, then,
that traditional community has continued to flourish in the interstices of
the larger, cooler set of Gesellschaft associations, nor surprising that the
two remain in tension. National and local communities draw people
together, but they also limit the scope of markets and are essentially
contradictory to the ethic of individualism.
The main solution in modern times has been to wall off community,
especially the family, in a ‘private’ sphere, where it can provide comfort
and solidarity without threatening the larger system.15 But this way of
dealing with social interaction—through the separation of public from
private and the reliance on informal links for community—is adequate
only when the density of interaction is low enough that people can
distinguish a large realm in which their actions do not affect others, and
when there is no need for intensive collaboration. As these conditions
change—as the intensity of interdependence and the needs for collaborative
effort increase—the separation breaks down. Then there is a need for a
socially ordered form of lateral, cooperative relationships. That change has
been visible both at the societal level and within the economic sphere."
==Collaborative Community==


"Neither the traditional nor modern forms of community are adequate for
"Neither the traditional nor modern forms of community are adequate for
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towards a common object.
towards a common object.


The institutions of celaborative community are centered on defining the
The institutions of collaborative community are centered on defining the
core purposes and regulating interactions so that the right people can
core purposes and regulating interactions so that the right people can
contribute at the right time to advance the process of value-creation. In
contribute at the right time to advance the process of value-creation. In
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firms, collective purpose is therefore contradictory in its very nature.
firms, collective purpose is therefore contradictory in its very nature.
Nevertheless, there has been a slow elaboration of mechanisms for
Nevertheless, there has been a slow elaboration of mechanisms for
deliberation—forums in which employees are invited to ‘push back’
deliberation—forums in which employees are invited to ‘push back’
against their superiors, and where the contradictory nature of the firms’
against their superiors, and where the contradictory nature of the firms’
goals is acknowledged and confronted."
goals is acknowledged and confronted."
==Source==
'''Source: Paul S. Adler and Charles Heckscher. [[Towards Collaborative Community]] / (Book: The Corporation as a Collaborative Community)'''
URL = http://www-bcf.usc.edu/~padler/research/01-Heckscher-chap01%20copy-1.pdf
==More Information==
* [[Charles Heckscher]]
* [[Community]]
Is the next step in business organization achievable through [[Social Business Design]]?




[[Category:Governance]]
[[Category:Governance]]
 
[[Category:Community]]
[[Category:Business]]
[[Category:Business]]



Latest revision as of 09:14, 19 February 2017

Typology

Typology of Collaborative Community within the firm

Paul S. Adler and Charles Heckscher:


"Neither the traditional nor modern forms of community are adequate for groups that seek high levels of adaptiveness and complex interdependence. In such situations trust is particularly important, because people depend a great deal on others whose skills and expertise they cannot check; autonomy and ‘rugged individualism’ give way to an increasingly dense web of interdependence, and there is a growing need for stable cooperative relations among highly differentiated actors. But in such situations trust is also particularly difficult to achieve, because it can no longer be based on tradition or on personal acquaintance and experience. 16 We believe that close scrutiny of contemporary firms reveals the emergence of a new type of community that can square this circle. Collaborative community forms when people work together to create shared value. This increasingly characterizes societies in which the generation of knowledge, often involving many specialists, has become central to economic production. In this it is fundamentally unlike the two forms we have described above: the traditional, where values are assumed to be eternally embodied in the existing community, without the need for shared ‘work’ to achieve them; and the modern, where values are removed from the public realm and left to individuals, with community being merely a place where individuals can pursue their own ends by participating in a shared game. In a collaborative community, values are not individual beliefs, but the object of shared activity; they have to be discussed and understood in similar ways by everyone. The basis of trust is the degree to which members of the community believe that others have contributions to make towards this shared creation.17 Adler’s chapter invokes this idea under the label ‘object’: a collaborative community emerges when a collectivity engages cooperative, interdependent activity towards a common object.

The institutions of collaborative community are centered on defining the core purposes and regulating interactions so that the right people can contribute at the right time to advance the process of value-creation. In a dynamic environment purpose must be distinguished from eternal ‘values,’ which are timeless statements of what the group is. Purpose is a relatively pragmatic view of what the group is trying to achieve, given the environmental challenges, in the foreseeable future. Agreement on purpose or strategy is crucial: members of the community need to both understand it in depth and be committed to its achievement. This means that rather than being left to a small cadre of leaders, the purpose must become a matter for widespread discussion. One can see this result clearly in corporations: in the last few decades strategy has often moved from a confidential preserve of top management to a key desideratum for all employees.

When value and purpose are discussed, they may also be contested. This is possibly the most difficult aspect of the difficult move to collaboration: finding ways to debate core orientations while still working together. Whereas in the Gesellschaft community working together is a more or less accidental by-product of an interplay of individual interests— coordination achieved by an invisible hand of the market or by a nexus of employment contracts—in the collaborative community it involves a deliberate and deliberated commitment to shared ends. But deliberation at this level is hard to manage. Even in voluntary organizations, it can easily slide into polarization or factionalism which shuts off discussion.

Moreover, in the capitalist firm, there are deep structural challenges to collaborative community. First, the power asymmetry between managers and employees generates anxiety, deference, and resentment. Second, the external goals of the firm are deeply contradictory—to produce useful products and services (‘use-value’ in the parlance of classical political economy) and to create monetary profit (‘exchange-value’). In capitalist firms, collective purpose is therefore contradictory in its very nature. Nevertheless, there has been a slow elaboration of mechanisms for deliberation—forums in which employees are invited to ‘push back’ against their superiors, and where the contradictory nature of the firms’ goals is acknowledged and confronted."

Source

Source: Paul S. Adler and Charles Heckscher. Towards Collaborative Community / (Book: The Corporation as a Collaborative Community)

URL = http://www-bcf.usc.edu/~padler/research/01-Heckscher-chap01%20copy-1.pdf

More Information

Is the next step in business organization achievable through Social Business Design?