Precarious Labour

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Precarious Labour:

"According to Milanese activist Alex Foti (2004), precarity is 'being unable to plan one's time, being a worker on call where your life and time is determined by external forces'. The term refers to all possible shapes of unsure, not guaranteed, flexible exploitation: from illegalised, seasonal and temporary employment to homework, flex- and temp-work to subcontractors, freelancers or so-called self-employed persons. But its reference also extends beyond the world of work to encompass other aspects of intersubjective life, including housing, debt, and the ability to build affective social relations." (http://journal.fibreculture.org/issue5/neilson_rossiter.html)


Discussion

FROM A SPECIAL ISSUE OF FIBRE CULTURE JOURNAL:

http://journal.fibreculture.org/issue5/index.html

"More and more knowledge workers are `free agents' working through project-based approaches. This modality, while often chosen as a preferable alternative to the dependent salaried condition, is still dependent on the market, and inherently precarious. The last issue of Fibreculture Journal is dedicated to the examination of this social condition." (abstract in P2P News 95)

1. From the Editorial

"Broadly speaking, this issue of Fibreculture Journal is interested in the problem of political organisation as it relates to the overlapping spheres of labour and life within post-Fordist, networked settings. It's becoming increasingly clear that multiple forms of exclusion and exploitation within the media and cultural industries run along the lines of gender, ethnicity, age, and geography. New forms of class division are emerging whose locus of tension can be attributed to the ownership and control of information. The mobile capacity of information corresponds, in many instances, with the flexible nature of work across many sectors of the media and cultural industries. And it is precisely the informatisation of social relations that makes political organisation such a difficult - even undesireable - undertaking for many. Without recourse to traditional institutions such as the union, new technics of organisation are required if the common conditions of exploitation are to be addressed and transformed. Precarious labour practices generate new forms of subjectivity and connection, organised about networks of communication, cognition, and affect. These new forms of cooperation and collaboration amongst creative labourers contribute to the formation of a new socio-technical and politico-ethical multitude. The contemporary multitude is radically dissimilar from the unity of "the people" and the coincidence of the citizen and the state. What kinds of creative organisation are specific to precarious labour in the era of informatisation? How do they connect (or disconnect) to existing forms of institutional life? And how can escape from the subjectification of precarious labour be enacted without nostalgia for the social state or utopian faith in the spontaneity of auto-organisation? These are some of the key questions the articles gathered here set out to addresss."

2. From the lead article

URL = http://journal.fibreculture.org/issue5/neilson_rossiter.html

"With the transformation of labour practices in advanced capitalist systems under the impact of globalisation and information technologies, there has arisen a proliferation of terms to describe the commonly experienced yet largely undocumented transformations within working life. Creative labour, network labour, cognitive labour, service labour, affective labour, linguistic labour, immaterial labour; these categories often substitute for each other, but in their very multiplication they point to diverse qualities of experience that are not simply reducible to each other. On the one hand these labour practices are the oppressive face of post-Fordist capitalism, yet they also contain potentialities that spring from workers' own refusal of labour and subjective demands for flexibility - demands that in many ways precipitate capital's own accession to interminable restructuring and rescaling, and in so doing condition capital's own techniques and regimes of control. The complexity of these relationships has amounted to a crisis within modes of organisation based around the paranoid triad: union, state, firm. Time and again, across the past fifteen years, we heard proclamations of the end of the nation-state, its loss of control or subordination to new and more globally extensive forms of sovereignty. Equally, we are now overfamiliar with claims for the decline of trade unions: their weakening before transnational flows of capital, the erosion of salaried labour, or the carefully honed attacks of neoliberal politicians. More recently, the firm itself is not looking so good, riddled with internal instability and corruption for which the names Enron, Worldcom, and Parmalat provide only the barest index. Clearly, the "networked organisation" is not the institutional form best suited to the management of labour and life within information economies and networked socialities. But it is not these tendencies themselves as much as their mutual implications that have led to the radical recasting of labour organisation and its concomitant processes of bargaining and arbitration. Within the ambit of social movements and autonomous political groups, these new forms of labour organisation have been given the name precarity, an inelegant neologism coined by English speakers to translate the French precarité. Although the term has been in circulation since the early 1980s, it is really only over the past two or three years that it has acquired prominence in social movement struggles. Particularly in the Western European nations, the notion of precarity has been at the centre of a long season of protests, actions, and discussions, including events such as EuroMayDay 2004 (Milan and Barcelona) and 2005 (in seventeen European cities), Precarity Ping Pong (London, October 2004), the International Meeting of the Precariat (Berlin, January 2005), and Precair Forum (Amsterdam, February 2005).[1] According to Milanese activist Alex Foti (2004), precarity is 'being unable to plan one's time, being a worker on call where your life and time is determined by external forces'. The term refers to all possible shapes of unsure, not guaranteed, flexible exploitation: from illegalised, seasonal and temporary employment to homework, flex- and temp-work to subcontractors, freelancers or so-called self-employed persons. But its reference also extends beyond the world of work to encompass other aspects of intersubjective life, including housing, debt, and the ability to build affective social relations.

Other recommended articles:

- http://journal.fibreculture.org/issue5/hodge_coronado.html

- http://journal.fibreculture.org/issue5/newfield_rayner.html

- http://journal.fibreculture.org/issue5/lovink_rossiter.html


Statistics

by Peter Hall-Jones, November 2009:

"In 2004, the International Labour Organisation (ILO ) carried out the first ever global study of economic security levels. “An Economic Security Index (ESI) has been calculated for over 90 countries (covering 86% of the world’s population). …The report shows that about 73% of all workers live in circumstances of economic insecurity…”

And that was four years before the economic crisis!

To many labour analysts’ surprise, the rise of the precariat has been an international process. Let’s look at a few of the richer countries first:

In the USA: “One out of three workers worry about their own job security…. Only half are working the number of hours they want to work.”

In Japan: “The proportion of nonregular workers in the total labor force doubled to 33 percent in 2006 from 15 percent in 1984.”

In the UK: “51% of UK workers claim their career is the biggest worry for 2009, with more than 80% reporting job insecurity.”

In Canada: “37 per cent of work is part-time, short-term or casual.”

In Europe, almost half of young people are now on temporary contracts[vii]. As for Western Europe: “…between a quarter and a third of the labor force now works under temporary and/or part-time contracts, with peaks in UK, Holland, Spain and Italy.”

Even good old Sweden is feeling the rot: “Among employed persons who are not organized in a trade union the share of those temporary (sic) employed is 27 per cent. …100,000 more women than men have precarious employment and therefore run a great risk of becoming unemployed due to the crisis.”

Meanwhile, down in Australia: “42% consider their job as less secure than it was this time in 2008.”

However, the growth of the precariat is certainly not restricted to OECD nations. Just this month the ILO and the World Trade Organisation published a joint report showing that 60% of the 2.7 billion workers in poor and middle income countries are ‘informal’[xi]. By this, they mean: “…unreported, often temporary employment in domestic service, construction sites, transport, small-scale peddling, seasonal farm labor and so forth, with variable earnings and without significant guarantees of minimum wage, workplace health and safety or other labor standards.”[xii] Furthermore, the data suggests a huge pay differential between precarious workers and the rest: “…(the figures) suggest that informal-sector workers earn about half as much money as formal-sector workers.”

An earlier ILO report had found widespread insecurity in the developing world: “…in urban areas of Brazil, 51% of all households said they did not have enough income to cover their healthcare need. In Ghana the urban figure was similar, the rural was 62%; in Russia, the corresponding figures were 47% and 58%. … in Tanzania only 4% of men and women think their financial situation in old age would be good. In Ghana and South Africa, only one in every five expects it to be good. In Ethiopia, two-thirds of young and middle-aged people are worried about having money for their old age. The situation in Eastern Europe is equally bad. In Ukraine, four out of every five people expect their income to be inadequate in old age. And in China, only 6% of young and middle-aged people think their income security in old age would be reasonably good.”

In South Korea: “…by early in the 21st century, 60 per cent of all workers (and 70 per cent of women) were in insecure casual jobs…”

In South Africa: “…over a quarter of the employed could be classified as in the precariat…” [xv]

In India: “Annual Survey of Industries (ASI) data suggests that employment through contractors constitute 23.08% of total organized workforce in 2003 compared to 11.03% in 1992.”

“…The Russian Federation, Ukraine and other countries of eastern Europe continue to operate with enormous numbers of workers on unpaid or partially-paid ‘leave’, with very little prospect of recall to paid employment. One in four workers in Ukrainian industry is on unpaid leave at any one time, or effectively in disguised unemployment.”

With all this we have seen a huge rise shift towards temp agencies: “…Adecco, with 700,000 on its books, is one of the world’s biggest private employers. Pasona… was sending a quarter of a million workers out to firms every day by 2007.” (http://newunionism.wordpress.com/2009/11/22/precariat/)