Decentralized Township Government in China

Discussion

Zhuoran Li:

"China is one of the most decentralized states in the world in terms of fiscal spending. More than 85 percent of Chinese government spending comes from local governments. In particular, township governments shoulder the most important governance responsibilities, such as education, healthcare, and public welfare. Using the township-level government as an example, it’s instructive to explore exactly how these all-important local systems actually work – and who operates them.

At the top of the township government hierarchy are local leaders, who are township cadres with administrative rankings. A township typically has three section-level (科级) leaders: the township Chinese Communist Party (CCP) secretary, the township mayor, and the chief of the Township People’s Congress, who is often the former township party secretary transitioning to retirement. In addition, there are approximately 10 vice section level (副科级) leaders, including vice party secretaries, vice mayors, the discipline inspection secretary (纪检书记), and the heads of several key offices. Officials heading less critical offices or serving as vice chiefs of any office do not hold administrative rankings and, therefore, are not considered leaders.

The next level below government leaders are civil servants with no rank who hold bianzhi (编制), which refers to established posts within government offices. Bianzhi status grants significant benefits, including superior welfare compared to regular citizens and lifelong employment (unless the employee commits a crime). Within the bianzhi workforce, “cadres” and “officials” hold civil servant bianzhi, while other bianzhi workers have public institution bianzhi – the same designation given to teachers and doctors in public hospitals. Only those with civil servant bianzhi can reasonably expect opportunities for promotion. In contrast, those with public institution bianzhi have no career advancement prospects.

Promotion opportunities at the township level are rare, as leaders face intense competition and strict age cutoffs. As Chien-wen Kou and Wen-Hsuan Tsai noted, the age cutoff for promotion to vice section and section levels is 40, while the cutoff for vice division (副处) level is 45. In reality, interviews indicate that in many places, the cutoff age for the vice section level can be as early as 35. …Moreover, township party secretaries and mayors are often not promoted from the pool of vice section leaders within the township. Instead, county-level governments may appoint section-level leaders through temporary transfers (挂职), effectively fast-tracking their promotion.

Promotion prospects do not improve for section-level leaders, as they face even fiercer competition. A county typically has only around 10 vice division (副处) level positions. Township and street (街道) party secretaries and mayors compete for these roles alongside section chiefs from the county government.

Since promotion opportunities are rare, township leaders have developed different career calculations. Some are primarily motivated by the goal of “escaping the township.” Many township leaders keep their families in the county center to access better housing and educational opportunities for their children, while residing in township government dormitories during the workweek.

Others, however, prefer to remain in the township because they value the benefits of “holding real power” (大权在握). Many leaders enjoy the authority that comes with being “number one” (一把手) – and the ability to leverage this nearly unchecked power to enrich themselves.

The lack of promotion incentives is a widespread phenomenon. According to research by Jianxing Yu and Xiang Gao, more than 70 percent of surveyed officials in Zhejiang stated that they know their terminal position early in their careers. Therefore, since early in their career, many local officials decide not to participate in the promotion tournament.

Bianzhi workers are not the only personnel working in township governments. Many township governments often employ more contract workers than official bianzhi workers.

The primary distinction between contract workers and regular officials is that contract workers do not receive the welfare benefits that officials are entitled to. They only receive basic wage, which is lower than bianzhi workers’, and do not enjoy any bonuses or subsidies.

In return, contract workers enjoy more freedom compared to officials. They are not subject to investigations by the commissions for discipline inspection at various levels, since many of them are neither civil servants nor CCP members. Additionally, they are exempt from sitting through the grueling meetings or participating in political activities that are typically reserved for officials and Communist Party members.

Furthermore, contract workers are not governed by the Civil Servant Law or CCP Party Regulations. For example, township officials can take one day off with permission from their office director; for more than two days off, they must obtain official approval from the township leader. In contrast, contract workers can take more than two days off simply by speaking to the office director, without needing to provide specific reasons.

Overall, China’s township governments are best described with one word: stagnation. One cadre captured the reality of township government succinctly: “Everyone is stuck.” Such stagnation will inevitably lead to organizational decay."

(https://thediplomat.com/2025/10/who-works-in-chinas-local-governments/)