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In the sandbox you can '''play''' with ''wiki syntax'' and more.
In the sandbox you can '''play''' with ''wiki syntax'' and more.


Following the relational typology of Alan Page Fiske, there are four intersubjective modes which have existed cross-culturally and historically: equality matching (gift economy), authority ranking (feudal-type structures), market pricing, and communal shareholding (according to us: P2P). Societies have always been a mix, but it can be argued that historically we have seen a succession of dominant forms: the gift economy in the tribal era, authority ranking in feudalism, market pricing in capitalism, and my hypothesis is that communal shareholding forms may dominate in a future 'P2P-oriented era'.


But if they have always co-existed, it may be illusory to aim for a stateless and marketless society, rather, we should expect states and markets to continue to exist in some form or other, but informed and trans-formed by P2P principles. A current example is fair trade http://www.p2pfoundation.net/Fair_Trade, a form of market that aims to become independent of pure power relations by negotiating with both producers and consumers.
the Nation-State
actors of globalization do not realize that rhizome terrorism is not fighting the policies of
particular states, but that the source of conflict is the fundamental incompatibility of rhizome
with the hierarchal nature of both globalization and the state.


The open questions is therefore: can we have markets without the unsustainability of the capitalist format and its attendent biospheric destruction and social and psychic dislocation?


In our wiki, we discuss some proposals related to non-capitalist markets http://www.p2pfoundation.net/Markets_without_Capitalism, for examples the approaches of Eric Olin Wright, and the very concrete proposals by Kevin Carson http://mutualist.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategic-green-libertarian-alliance.html (see also here http://mutualist.blogspot.com/2006/05/vulgar-libertarianism-watch-part-xvii.html)
1. The Crisis of the Nation-State


Perhaps one thing we can do is learn from pre-capitalist markets?
The steady decrease of the Nation-State’s ability to provide for the welfare of its nation
serves to decrease the bond between nation and state, lowering the barriers to entry of alternate,
overlapping affinity networks. This results in either the reversion of marginalized populations to their primary loyalties, the adoption by that population of supra-national loyalties, or both.


This is why I find the following passage by Robert Brenner http://www.metamute.org/en/content/mr_smith_goes_to_beijing_0 so interesting, because it explains the different place of the market in the non-capitalist forms of society that preceded ours.
Primary loyalties, the small scale, local or ethnic affinity networks that emerge in times of
chaos, are particularly effective at fomenting the breakdown of national cohesion.


Mute summarizes Brenner's position:
The continual, hierarchal intensification of the process of globalization is steadily fueling
the worldwide emergence of competing networks of primary loyalties which are co-spatial and
contemporaneous to the national foundations of the Nation-State. These include networks based
on religious identity, economic caste, micro-cultural affiliation, and geographic locality.


"Exchange-based production existed in many pre-capitalist societies before taking root in early modern Europe.5 Because pre-capitalist societies are fundamentally agrarian, both exploiters and direct producers have access to their own means of subsistence. ‘As a result’, writes Brenner,
Because these networks rarely coincide spatially with Nation-State borders, their very existence
contradicts the Cartesian notion of the constitutional nature of modern Nation-States.


their survival and reproduction is not dependent on the sale of their products on the market; consequently they do not have to compete in terms of productive powers.
Increasingly these networks of primary loyalties are blending—not behind a single ideological or
political platform, but behind a unifying, non-hierarchal organizational principle: rhizome. For
now this organizational principle is most visibly embodied by the phenomena of international
terrorism.


Under these conditions, ‘the market exerts no pressure toward the continual revolution of the means of production’. According to Brenner, ‘[t]he increase of relative surplus labor cannot become a systematic feature of such modes of production’. Brenner also notes that there is a bias in pre-capitalist societies toward the realisation of ‘absolute’, as opposed to ‘relative’, surplus value. Because labour is compulsory for serfs and slaves, lords and masters tend to extract additional surplus labour by lengthening the working day or extending the corvée, rather than through technological innovation. As a result, there is little reason to invest profits in the development of productive forces. ‘Rather than being accumulated, economic surplus is here systematically diverted from reproduction to unreproductive labor’.
The rise in international terrorism is perhaps the final straw that, when combined with the
influences of multiculturalism and globalization, destroys the legitimacy of the Nation-State.


Brenner, following Marx, argues that capitalism emerges only when labourers are both free to sell their labour power on the market as a commodity, and compelled to do so in order to survive."
The Nation-State system is predicated upon the twin principles of sovereignty: a domestic
monopoly on the use of violence, and a singular focus for inter-state violence. Terrorism
invalidates both claims. Exacerbated by reactionary ideologies and the expanding economic
inequality brought by globalization, terrorism undermines the state’s role of security provider.


So at the very least, we can see that markets have existed, and can exist, but subsumed to another dominant economic model, which is an important point to prove. Of course, as pointed out by Brenner, in a feudal model, its benefits will be used largely by the dominant class in that system.
Additionally, as independent international actors, both terrorist organizations and multinational
corporations represent their own interests, unconstrained by either a Cartesian notion of
Nation-State borders or the prevailing interests of a national constituency. Terrorism represents
the merger of the military force of the state and the overlapping, non-Cartesian geography of
non-state networks. In a world freed of the rigid boundaries of the Nation-State system, and with
the substantial, overlapping web of affiliation and connectivity created by emerging, global
terrorist organizations, the stage is set for a defining conflict that will replace the last vestiges of
the Nation-State with the New Map.


A market in a peer to peer society would of course have to be beneficial first of all to the peer producers themselves.


We do not really have a model for this, apart from fair trade, which benefits cooperative producers (and not peer producers), but the Linux economy shows us the emergent practice of benefit sharing, i.e. companies that benefit from the peer producing commons give back to it by sustaining the infrastructure of cooperation for that peer production to occur. This is good as far as it goes, as it does not by itself put an end to the biospheric destruction mechanism caused by the infinite growth mechanism that is contemporary capitalism. So much more thinking and practice is needed, i.e. the practical development of alternative ecologies of exchange, for such non-capitalist markets to emerge.
2. The Market State
 
 
Fueled by the breakdown of Cartesian order, the spread of multiculturalism, and
technological advancements in communication and transportation, the hierarchal process of
globalization is forcing the Nation-State to evolve or die. Those states that are evolving to
maintain viability are gradually taking the form of the Market-State, an awkward and
unfinished formulation where powerful market interests exert their influence on the state to
leverage the remnant allegiances of national populations to the benefit of their selfish interests.
 
While the Market-State is theoretically organized to maximize opportunity and total
wealth, its failure to account for median wealth and to support expected social safety nets such as
pensions and health care serves ultimately to polarize the Earth’s population. In the end, while
the Market-State may theoretically maximize wealth, it also maximizes disparity between an
increasingly rich and powerful few with the increasingly impoverished masses. Ultimately, this
“disparity and economic desperation is the fuel that supports the reactionary flame of
terrorism.” In the face of this growing disparity created by the emerging Market-State, a
rhizome countermovement is emerging.
 
 
3. The emergence of rhizomatic opposition
 
At present, the phenomena of international terrorism is the most publicly visible example
of this rhizome opposition. The watershed innovation of today’s terrorism is not its military
efficacy, however, but its use of rhizome structure to confront the hierarchal establishment.
 
The global community is gradually becoming aware of this structural novelty, but they fail to
perceive it as a larger, structural transition. As Foreign Policy Editor Moisés Naím keenly
observed, there is an increasing tendency for non-state power structures to:
 
move away from fixed hierarchies and toward decentralized networks; away from
controlling leaders and toward multiple, loosely linked, dispersed agents and
cells; away from rigid lines of control and exchange and toward constantly
shifting transactions as opportunities dictate. It is a mutation that [governments]
barely recognized and could not, in any case, hope to emulate.
 
In short, the watershed innovation of the New Map is the rise of this organizational principle of
rhizome, fueled by the changing pathways of a globalizing world, to present a direct challenge,
not merely to the existing Nation-State structure, but to the very principle of hierarchal
organization that underwrites today’s concept of global order. It is this fundamental, structural
nature of conflict within the New Map that is so grossly overlooked by today’s theorists and
policy makers. In order to truly understand the crisis of the New Map, in order to create
effective policy within this novel structural context, an examination of the polar structural
patterns of hierarchy and rhizome is necessary.
 
Rhizome, the opposing constitutional system of networks of
independent but interacting nodes, is the animating principle behind terrorism, emerging illicit
trade networks, and the more benign economic processes of localization and self-sufficiency that
stand in opposition to globalization.
 
The interaction of hierarchy and rhizome inherently generates conflict as hierarchy’s
attempts to create economic dependency through economies of place and scale are mutually
exclusive of rhizome’s tendency to devolve economic structures towards localized independence
and parity. In a world largely stuck in the mindset of the Nation-State and oblivious to the
emerging conflict of hierarchy versus rhizome, terrorism is the vanguard of a rhizome movement
that sits on the cusp of a dawning, non-Cartesian reality. It is what Antonio Negri has called a
“diagonal” that opposes hierarchy by confronting its weaknesses, rather than direct confrontation
with its strengths. Rhizome is out of phase with hierarchy while simultaneously occupying the
same point in history, the same territory on the Cartesian plane. Rhizome is an emergent
phenomenon, analogous to the emergent intelligence of the human brain, presenting radically
different, and often superior, information processing capability when compared to the machine
intelligence of hierarchy.
 
 
4. Conclusions
 
On the most fundamental level, the challenges of the
New Map must be met with policy that embraces rhizome. Reducing the dominance of
hierarchal organization within our world economic and political system and working to affect a
smooth transition to a more decentralized, networked world will result in a world with less
disparity and a lower capacity for conflict.
 
Within the New Map there are two choices. Existing Nation-States can embrace
hierarchy, and transition to the market-state model, as envisioned by constitutional law professor
Phillip Bobbitt, or they can embrace rhizome and embark upon the same spirit of bold
adventure and constitutional invention that created America over two centuries ago. Those that
embrace hierarchy will increasingly face the emergent, rhizome forces of those who must, by
definition, reside at the base of hierarchy’s pyramid—“terrorists” and “freedom fighters” alike.
 
Those states that choose to transition to rhizome, however, might finally escape this structural
violence of hierarchy.
 
The New Map is a problem that requires a structural solution—that of rhizome.
 
Advocates of the perpetuation of hierarchy and the Market-State system will surely continue to
suggest legal solutions that merely address structural symptoms such as terrorism. It is my
opinion that they will meet with the same failure as past attempts to deny the reality of the
evolving global structure.
 
In light of the
emerging reality of the New Map, it would be more prudent to employ the law as a tool to
embrace rhizome, to affect a smooth transition to a world that has, on the ground, already begun
moving beyond the Nation-State. The embrace of rhizome is not a policy that must be affected
by expeditionary militaries or in far-off lands. It is a policy that must be affected in the heart of
Western powers—in their state-sponsored systems of wealth creation and distribution. These
systems are currently founded upon the hierarchal mode of ownership, and are the engine of
structural disparity.

Revision as of 06:45, 12 August 2008

In the sandbox you can play with wiki syntax and more.


the Nation-State actors of globalization do not realize that rhizome terrorism is not fighting the policies of particular states, but that the source of conflict is the fundamental incompatibility of rhizome with the hierarchal nature of both globalization and the state.


1. The Crisis of the Nation-State

The steady decrease of the Nation-State’s ability to provide for the welfare of its nation serves to decrease the bond between nation and state, lowering the barriers to entry of alternate, overlapping affinity networks. This results in either the reversion of marginalized populations to their primary loyalties, the adoption by that population of supra-national loyalties, or both.

Primary loyalties, the small scale, local or ethnic affinity networks that emerge in times of chaos, are particularly effective at fomenting the breakdown of national cohesion.

The continual, hierarchal intensification of the process of globalization is steadily fueling the worldwide emergence of competing networks of primary loyalties which are co-spatial and contemporaneous to the national foundations of the Nation-State. These include networks based on religious identity, economic caste, micro-cultural affiliation, and geographic locality.

Because these networks rarely coincide spatially with Nation-State borders, their very existence contradicts the Cartesian notion of the constitutional nature of modern Nation-States.

Increasingly these networks of primary loyalties are blending—not behind a single ideological or political platform, but behind a unifying, non-hierarchal organizational principle: rhizome. For now this organizational principle is most visibly embodied by the phenomena of international terrorism.

The rise in international terrorism is perhaps the final straw that, when combined with the influences of multiculturalism and globalization, destroys the legitimacy of the Nation-State.

The Nation-State system is predicated upon the twin principles of sovereignty: a domestic monopoly on the use of violence, and a singular focus for inter-state violence. Terrorism invalidates both claims. Exacerbated by reactionary ideologies and the expanding economic inequality brought by globalization, terrorism undermines the state’s role of security provider.

Additionally, as independent international actors, both terrorist organizations and multinational corporations represent their own interests, unconstrained by either a Cartesian notion of Nation-State borders or the prevailing interests of a national constituency. Terrorism represents the merger of the military force of the state and the overlapping, non-Cartesian geography of non-state networks. In a world freed of the rigid boundaries of the Nation-State system, and with the substantial, overlapping web of affiliation and connectivity created by emerging, global terrorist organizations, the stage is set for a defining conflict that will replace the last vestiges of the Nation-State with the New Map.


2. The Market State


Fueled by the breakdown of Cartesian order, the spread of multiculturalism, and technological advancements in communication and transportation, the hierarchal process of globalization is forcing the Nation-State to evolve or die. Those states that are evolving to maintain viability are gradually taking the form of the Market-State, an awkward and unfinished formulation where powerful market interests exert their influence on the state to leverage the remnant allegiances of national populations to the benefit of their selfish interests.

While the Market-State is theoretically organized to maximize opportunity and total wealth, its failure to account for median wealth and to support expected social safety nets such as pensions and health care serves ultimately to polarize the Earth’s population. In the end, while the Market-State may theoretically maximize wealth, it also maximizes disparity between an increasingly rich and powerful few with the increasingly impoverished masses. Ultimately, this “disparity and economic desperation is the fuel that supports the reactionary flame of terrorism.” In the face of this growing disparity created by the emerging Market-State, a rhizome countermovement is emerging.


3. The emergence of rhizomatic opposition

At present, the phenomena of international terrorism is the most publicly visible example of this rhizome opposition. The watershed innovation of today’s terrorism is not its military efficacy, however, but its use of rhizome structure to confront the hierarchal establishment.

The global community is gradually becoming aware of this structural novelty, but they fail to perceive it as a larger, structural transition. As Foreign Policy Editor Moisés Naím keenly observed, there is an increasing tendency for non-state power structures to:

move away from fixed hierarchies and toward decentralized networks; away from controlling leaders and toward multiple, loosely linked, dispersed agents and cells; away from rigid lines of control and exchange and toward constantly shifting transactions as opportunities dictate. It is a mutation that [governments] barely recognized and could not, in any case, hope to emulate.

In short, the watershed innovation of the New Map is the rise of this organizational principle of rhizome, fueled by the changing pathways of a globalizing world, to present a direct challenge, not merely to the existing Nation-State structure, but to the very principle of hierarchal organization that underwrites today’s concept of global order. It is this fundamental, structural nature of conflict within the New Map that is so grossly overlooked by today’s theorists and policy makers. In order to truly understand the crisis of the New Map, in order to create effective policy within this novel structural context, an examination of the polar structural patterns of hierarchy and rhizome is necessary.

Rhizome, the opposing constitutional system of networks of independent but interacting nodes, is the animating principle behind terrorism, emerging illicit trade networks, and the more benign economic processes of localization and self-sufficiency that stand in opposition to globalization.

The interaction of hierarchy and rhizome inherently generates conflict as hierarchy’s attempts to create economic dependency through economies of place and scale are mutually exclusive of rhizome’s tendency to devolve economic structures towards localized independence and parity. In a world largely stuck in the mindset of the Nation-State and oblivious to the emerging conflict of hierarchy versus rhizome, terrorism is the vanguard of a rhizome movement that sits on the cusp of a dawning, non-Cartesian reality. It is what Antonio Negri has called a “diagonal” that opposes hierarchy by confronting its weaknesses, rather than direct confrontation with its strengths. Rhizome is out of phase with hierarchy while simultaneously occupying the same point in history, the same territory on the Cartesian plane. Rhizome is an emergent phenomenon, analogous to the emergent intelligence of the human brain, presenting radically different, and often superior, information processing capability when compared to the machine intelligence of hierarchy.


4. Conclusions

On the most fundamental level, the challenges of the New Map must be met with policy that embraces rhizome. Reducing the dominance of hierarchal organization within our world economic and political system and working to affect a smooth transition to a more decentralized, networked world will result in a world with less disparity and a lower capacity for conflict.

Within the New Map there are two choices. Existing Nation-States can embrace hierarchy, and transition to the market-state model, as envisioned by constitutional law professor Phillip Bobbitt, or they can embrace rhizome and embark upon the same spirit of bold adventure and constitutional invention that created America over two centuries ago. Those that embrace hierarchy will increasingly face the emergent, rhizome forces of those who must, by definition, reside at the base of hierarchy’s pyramid—“terrorists” and “freedom fighters” alike.

Those states that choose to transition to rhizome, however, might finally escape this structural violence of hierarchy.

The New Map is a problem that requires a structural solution—that of rhizome.

Advocates of the perpetuation of hierarchy and the Market-State system will surely continue to suggest legal solutions that merely address structural symptoms such as terrorism. It is my opinion that they will meet with the same failure as past attempts to deny the reality of the evolving global structure.

In light of the emerging reality of the New Map, it would be more prudent to employ the law as a tool to embrace rhizome, to affect a smooth transition to a world that has, on the ground, already begun moving beyond the Nation-State. The embrace of rhizome is not a policy that must be affected by expeditionary militaries or in far-off lands. It is a policy that must be affected in the heart of Western powers—in their state-sponsored systems of wealth creation and distribution. These systems are currently founded upon the hierarchal mode of ownership, and are the engine of structural disparity.