Social Exclusion and Commons

(from Vocabulary of Commons, article 53)

by Sukhadeo Thorat and Nidhi Sadana Sabharwal

Social exclusion and commons

It is well-established that scheduled caste (SC) groups in India— comprising 16% of total population—have significantly below-average ownership of capital assets, including agricultural land, which negatively affects income levels. SC groups have high unemployment rates, low daily-wage earnings and poor literacy/education rates. In such a scenario, their dependence on common pool resources becomes more acute than ever: a majority of SC groups rely on cattle-grazing, fishing and other such activities utilising public resources for their livelihood.

Dalits and access to common pool resources

Common pool resources (CPR) are particularly important for the SCs because a majority of them are landless and these CPRs provide them with an alternative livelihood support and a subsistence base. While there are a number of problems related to the access, use and management of CPRs, Dalit groups face additional problems of unequal and discriminatory access to commons across villages. Rivalrous commons resources are naturally prone to unequal distribution, with SCs receiving the short end of the stick when it comes to access to fishing ponds, food security and water resources.

This discriminatory access to common resources across social groups extends even to non-rivalrous commons, such as knowledge and health, with caste being the primary driver for differential access. Such unequal access exacerbates and perpetuates the lopsided development of various ‘groups’ of people. Subsequent paragraphs present evidence to demonstrate unequal access to commons resources based on social backgrounds of individuals.

The practice of untouchability, which is at the root of much discriminatory access to CPRs, continues in India even though the government has passed legislation banning the practice, through the Anti-Untouchability Act 1955 (renamed the Civil Rights Act). The annual reports of theCommission for SCs and STs provide data on the registered cases of untouchability. It emerged that average annual cases registered under the Anti-Untouchability Act numbered 480 during the 1950s; 1,903 during the 1960s; 3,240 during the 1970s; 3,875 during the 1980s; and 1,672 during the first half of the 1990s. In general, cases which are registered with the police are of a serious nature and therefore get public attention. A large number of cases, however, go unreported. The studies, based on village surveys, bring out the actual magnitude of the practice of untouchability and other atrocities.

Evidence based on regional studies: Micro level

This section draws evidence on caste-discrimination from primary studies on practice of untouchability and other atrocities faced by SC social group in access to various commons. These include a survey of 550 villages in 11 states (Untouchability in Rural India, Action Aid, 2001) and survey of mid-day meal scheme and public distribution system in 550 villages in 5 states (Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, IIDS, 2004).

Based on the information from these studies, we got insight into the nature of discrimination and the widespread prevalence of untouchability in various spheres of public life. Within the scope of the ‘secular public sphere’, the practice of untouchability has been categorised into residential segregation, denial of access and discriminatory treatment in basic public services and discriminatory restrictions on public behaviour. Thus, the sphere includes access to water sources, public thoroughfares, transport and other village-level services and amenities like tea shops, barbers’ or water person’s services and so on.

Evidence of discriminatory access to CPR

The study on Untouchability in Rural India (2001), indicates that in most of the cases, the dominant ‘upper’ castes have developed a stranglehold on the CPRs. The data also indicates that the SCs faced exclusion and discriminatory treatment in access to village-level CPRs like grazing lands and fishing ponds to a significant degree.

The study found that in about one-fifth of the sample villages (21%), the SCs were being denied access to CPRs like grazing lands and fishing ponds. The percentage of such villages was more than the national average in Andhra Pradesh (48%), Tamil Nadu (40%), Odisha (34%) and Bihar (32%). In some cases, the CPRs in the SC-dominated settlements had been encroached on by the non-SCs/STs. Efforts to regain such lands or to access the village CPRs by the SCs led to severe punitive measures by the dominant castes. Numerous instances of violence between SCs and non-SCs/STs have been documented in this regard.

The problem of the SCs is further compounded by the fact that, one, they lack access to CPRs; two, due to the lack of access, they have to use their own fields for grazing cattle; three, since most of them comprise the landless and the near-landless, they have restricted or no access to village grazing lands; four, as a result, their capacity to rear animals is considerably reduced. The consequences of exclusion and discrimination in the fishing ponds in villages are much the same. Exclusionary and discriminatory access of the SCs to fishing ponds also deprives them of a source of livelihood in the villages.

Further, Table 1 provides an overview of the different forms of untouchability that deny the SCs access to basic public services. Out of the total villages surveyed, complicit denial to the SC persons was observed in little less than half of villages (48.4%) in terms of access to public water/drinking places, 36% in terms of access to shops, 26% in terms of the use of restaurants/hotels, 21% in terms of entry to health centres/clinics, 9.2% in terms of public transport and 3.2% in terms of entry to cinema halls/recreation facilities. In the case of services provided by individual service providers also, the denial of access was apparent. Of the villages surveyed, denial was reported in access to the services of barbers in 46% of villages, in access to water person’s services in 46% of villages, carpenters’ services in 26% of the villages and of potters in about 20% of the villages.

While complete denial of access to particular water sources (well, tank, tube well, etc.), village shops, health clinics, public transport, services offered by the washer person, carpenter, tailor, potter, etc. are the most clear forms of social exclusion, what is even more common is the imposition of differential treatment in access to these and other public services, which takes various forms. It is observed that in about one-third of the villages such discrimination was followed by making separate seating arrangements, or by giving separate cups to the ‘untouchables’. Similar forms of discrimination were observed in purchases from shops, entry into public transport and treatment in private health clinics.

The study observed discriminatory treatment against SC persons in access to irrigation water, as well as public and private services. In a little more than one-third of the villages, the SCs were denied access to irrigation water for agriculture. In the case of agricultural land, selective evidence from some states reveals restrictions imposed by the dominant castes on the SCs in the purchase of private agricultural land and use of public land for agriculture and housing.

This empirical overview, based on macro level official data and micro level primary evidence revealed the extent of discrimination faced by the members of the ‘untouchable’ community in civil, cultural, political and economic spheres. Given the qualitative nature of data, generalisations about the magnitude and trend are always risky. However it is reasonable to say that the ‘untouchables’ face considerable caste-related restrictions, which reduce their capacity to access civil, political and economic rights and opportunities. This results in lack of access to resources, opportunities for employment, education and other social needs and participation in public institutions. The restriction assumes various forms, ranging from social and economic boycott to physical violence. The official Report of the Commission of the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes 1998 observed,

‘Some of the major causes of atrocities and other offences against SCs and STs are related to issues of land and property, access to water, wage payments, indebtedness and bonded or forced labour. Issues of human dignity, including compulsion to perform distasteful tasks traditionally forced on SCs and molestation and exploitation of Dalit women are also involved. Caste related tension is exacerbated by economic factors, which contribute to violence. It is the assertion of their rights, be they economic, social or political, by the SCs and STs and their development, which often invite the wrath of the vested interests. Land and water is another sensitive issue. Accessibility of drinking water and water for irrigation and disposal of water removed from water logged areas become issues that can trigger off atrocities on SCs. Caste fervour during religious and social ceremonies, disputes arising during sowing and harvesting operations and removal of crops from the granary after harvesting, have also been known to cause tension. Increasing awareness and empowerment of SCs, manifested in resistance to suppression, also result in clashes’.

Caste discrimination and the right to food

Empirical studies also show evidence of denial of access or access with differential treatment in food security programmes like the midday meal schemes (MMS) and public distribution system (PDS). A study on MMS for Rajasthan reported the exclusion of SCs as cooks and helpers in almost 60% of the sample villages (Dreze and Goyal, 2003).

Another study based on a sample of about 550 villages from five states (Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Rajasthan), also reported exclusion and discriminatory treatment in operation of MMS and PDS (Thorat and Lee, 2004). The practice of discriminatory and exclusive behaviour towards SCs remains widespread. Caste discrimination afflicts more than one out of three fair price shops (FPS) and more than one out of three government schools serving midday meals (averages for five states of 35.5% and 37%, respectively). In terms of geographical spread, it is unquestionably a nationwide problem—from 24% in Andhra Pradesh to 52% in Rajasthan, to the vast majority in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar—respondent villages from every state report problems of caste discrimination and exclusion in the MMS. Likewise with the PDS, no state is free of patterns of discrimination—from 17% in Andhra Pradesh to 86% in Bihar.

Every state reports a substantial percentage of dominant caste PDS dealers practicing caste-based discrimination in the distribution of PDS goods, e.g. preferential order of service by caste, or hierarchically segregated timings for dominant caste and Dalit customers. While the problem is nationwide, the degree varies considerably from state to state. Where a higher percentage of MMS cooks and organisers are Dalit and where a higher percentage of midday meals are held in Dalit localities, lower incidence of caste discrimination in the MMS is reported.

In Andhra Pradesh, where indicators of Dalit participatory empowerment and access are relatively high (49% of respondent villages have Dalit cooks, 45% have Dalit organisers and 46% are held in Dalit localities), reported caste discrimination in the MMS stands at 24%. In Tamil Nadu, where the same empowerment and access indicators are lower (31%, 27% and 19% respectively), reported discrimination stands at 36%. Rajasthan, where indicators are alarmingly low (8% Dalit cooks, 0% Dalit organisers, 12% held in Dalit localities), reported discrimination stands extremely high at 52%.

A similar pattern emerges in access to fair price shops, where higher proportions of Dalit PDS dealers and fair price shops in localities correspond with lower proportions of reported discrimination and untouchability practices.

Discrimination and schools

The IIDS sponsored another study to capture the discrimination in the school experienced by the Dalit children. This study was conducted in Rajasthan of 234 Dalit households to explore whether Dalit respondents experienced/perceived unequal or differential treatment vis-à-vis their non-Dalit peers in school.

The study reported discrimination in various spheres within school and in the classroom. The most important sphere where discrimination was being practiced was access to drinking water and food. Dalit children were not allowed to take water themselves where ‘running water’ is not available in schools through taps (and hand pumps) and drinking water is ‘stored’ in earthen pots, jars or served in glasses. In the sphere of participation in the classroom, Dalit children faced discriminatory treatment in the form of not being allowed to sit in the front row, being made fun of by peers because of their parents occupation especially from the Valmiki community, teachers calling children by their ‘caste names’, or ‘son of a caste’ and being asked to sweep the classrooms. The study also reported instances of Dalit children not being asked to light the incense stick or participate in the rituals during assembly time.

The study also reported discriminatory practices in the mid-day meal being served in schools under study. Dalits were not being allowed as cooks nor Dalit children allowed to enter the kitchen while it was possible for other caste children to do so.

Discrimination in access to public health services

Although there are limited studies on this theme, some studies do provide evidence in highlighting unequal access by SCs to public health services. A study conducted by IIDS and UNICEF for Gujarat and Rajasthan brings out the forms and nature of discrimination faced by the SC women and children in accessing health services from public institutions. On a scale of 1 to 5 for the degree of discrimination, the study found that the highest degree of discrimination was reported in the treatment during dispensing of medicine, followed by diagnostic visit to the doctor (in Rajasthan)/conduct of pathological tests (Gujarat) whereas consulting care providers for referral treatment was reported as the area of least discrimination.

The study indicated that access to information is an area of discrimination where Dalits do not receive information and hence influences their health seeking behaviour and their health status. The study reported that health personnel discriminate by not visiting SC habitations and families. When they do visit, they express discomfort and disrespect for the clients. Further, most health care camps are held in the dominant caste habitations and hence the use by Dalit communities is restricted. Responses from the SC children, in the study, indicate that they would like the health care provider to speak gently using respectful words, considering them equals, spending adequate time and treating them based on the severity of the illness as desirable behaviours.¹

Evidence on caste-based discrimination faced by Dalit women

This section presents studies which bring out the discrimination wherein Dalit women are the focus and the sphere of their activities. We will present instances of discrimination which have been faced by Dalit women in multiple spheres. As a part of caste discrimination we separately look at the violence and atrocities suffered by the Dalit women as a ‘low caste’ person.

Wage employment in rural areas

Women from the vulnerable groups face barriers and difficulties while seeking employment in the labour market due to their grup identity. There are very few studies which have been conducted to analyse the nature and form of caste-based discrimination which Dalit women face.

A micro level study (2005) of three villages across Haryana, Gujarat and Odisha undertaken by Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, observed significant inter-social group differences in female employment. Dominant caste females managed to get much higher employment in non-farm sector compared to female from SC groups. For instance, the yearly employment for this group varies from a minimum of 148 days for SC as compared to a very high level of 290 days for dominant caste women. In the non-farm sector as well, there were differences in the level of employment between SC and other caste female. The study found that, although all females suffered from lower level of participation in non-farm employment, females from different groups do not suffer in same degree. SC women suffered more from lack of employment in the non-farm sector.

Women from the vulnerable groups face barriers and difficulties while seeking employment in the labour market due to their group identity. Evidence from pilot studies indicate that Dalit women face discrimination and exclusion from participation in certain categories of job. Because of their association with their occupation (manual scavenging) Dalit woman face discrimination in social relation and also in employment. The woman belonging to sweeper community is hardly employed for cooking and other household job because of the notion of purity and pollution of occupations, perceived to be unclean occupations.²

Evidence from pilot studies are presented in Panel 1. This table indicates the sphere where Dalit women face discrimination such as in hiring, in wages and in work relations.³ SC women in this survey reported discrimination in hiring due to their caste background which is reflected in denial in employment. Further, discrimination in payment of wages was not as severe as in case of denial of certain tasks or being prone to harassment. Discrimination through exclusion in certain types of work that women do, however, was reported to be quite prominent and widespread. Denial of work inside the house of dominant castes was more widespread. The SC women also face exclusion in work related to fetching of drinking water in dominant caste households.

Panel 1: Caste-based Discrimination in Wage Labour—Farm
Sphere of Exclusion	Nature & Form of Discrimination (Identifier)	Consequences of Discrimination
1. Hiring: Employment	Complete denial in hiring, exclusion from certain types of jobs, selective inclusion with unequal hiring terms and conditions with respect to hours of works and other terms, hiring for work which is outside the house, denied work inside the house, Compulsive and forced work governed by traditional caste related obligations involving loss of freedom.	Less employment days, loss of freedom leading to bondage, attachment of family and child labour, income loss, high poverty.
2. Wages	Complete denial (wages not paid), Unfair Inclusion: unequal treatment reflected in lower wages (lower than market wages), irregular interval of payment	Low wages, inequality in wages, income loss, high poverty.
3. Work Conditions (Employer-Labour/ Between labourers)	Discriminatory or differential behaviour towards SC in the work place.	Loss of dignity, human rights and high poverty.

Source: Compiled by the authors from various studies undertaken by IIDS

These are the forms of discriminations which are not faced by dominant caste females and therefore they are likely to enjoy higher employment in household work. Thus for SC women, besides facing exclusion due to the preferential treatment for non SCs/STs, their exclusion also occurs due to the continuing belief of dominant castes in the notions of pollution. The Untouchability in Rural India study (2001) based on the information from about 550 villages in eleven states reported as well that SC women were rarely employed for cooking, cleaning of food grains and other eatables in Bihar, for instance. The same study also provided evidence on discrimination in the market place in the form of receiving lower price for their goods as sellers and, as consumers, paying higher cost for their purchases.

Access to public healthcare services

We provide the experience and insights from primary level studies conducted by the All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch (AIDMAM) and IIDS on caste related discrimination faced by Dalit women and children in accessing public health services. The evidence is based on a study conducted in 17 districts of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh indicate discrimination faced by Dalit women in health services in government hospitals. Five hundred Dalit women were interviewed who were willing to speak about their experiences of discrimination in the public sphere.

Panel 2 captures discrimination that Dalit women and their family faced from doctors, nurses and village health nurses when they entered government hospital or when they contacted medical staff outside the medical premises. This panel also provides consequences of discriminatory treatment in access to health services on Dalit women and their families. It is evident that Dalit women face discriminatory treatment in form of rude verbal responses and refusal of medical treatment in public health services. This leads to their dependence on expensive private medical attention for which they have to take debt.

Another study conducted by IIDS and UNICEF where 200 Dalit and 65 non-Dalit children were interviewed from 12 selected villages in Gujarat and Rajasthan brings out the forms and nature of discrimination faced by SC women and children in accessing the health services from public institutions. The study found that the highest degree of discrimination was the one at grassroots level—namely ANM workers in the public health providers and the traditional healer in the private health providers. The higher-order providers such as doctors were the least discriminating in their behaviour.

Panel 2: Spheres and Indicators of Discrimination faced by Dalit Women in Public Health Services
Spheres	Identifiers	Consequences
Treatment at the time of ante-natal check-up	Face rude verbal response from ealth worker, without check up the nurse gave medicines and sent away.	Lack of care. Requirement of private medical attention.
Treatment by ANM for family planning operations	Indifferent verbal response and coerced into taking decisions, e.g. prospect of ration card being withdrawn if refused tubectomy, do not receive appropriate post-operative care.	Lack of post-operative care leading to requirement of private medical attention.
Treatment at the time of delivery	Ignored and kept waiting for long, the staff directs them to a distant district headquarters hospital for the delivery.	The delay complicates delivery leading to requirement to private medical attention. Take loan for delivery in private hospital.
Treatment after assault by men in authority (police and dominant caste landlord–employer)	Refusal of treatment by doctors in the local government hospital in order to avoid becoming involved in a police case.	Lack of care leading to requirement of private medical attention.

Source: Compiled by the Author drawing from various health studies undertaken by IIDS, AIDMAM and NCDHR

Access to drinking water

Dalit women also face caste-based discrimination while accessing drinking water. The study in Gujarat 1 conducted in 1971, is based on a survey of 69 villages. A repeat survey of these villages was done in 1996 to see changes in practice of untouchability. The study looked into the practice of untouchability in 17 spheres of village life, which include the private and public domain. In 1971, 44 villages had separate water facility for SCs near their localities. Two villages had been added to this list in 25 years. Untouchability is not experienced

Panel 3: Selected Variables for Discrimination (Health)
Sphere	Form	Provider
Visit to/by provider (diagnostic)	Duration of interaction with the care provider	Doctor
Counseling	Touch (without offending)	Lab technician
Dispensing of medicine	Manner of speaking (gently or otherwise)	Pharmacist
Pathological test	Use of demeaning words/Phrases	ANM/ VHW/ LHV
Seeking referral	Wait to give chance to to the dominant caste person(s)	Anganwadi worker

Source: IIDS—UNICEF sponsored study on Access to Health services in Gujarat and Rajasthan, 2006.

in normal times, but when water is scarce, SCs experience difficulty and discrimination in taking water from dominant caste localities. In the remaining 23 villages where water is taken from a common source, untouchability is practiced in 61% of the villages. In most such villages SC women take water after the dominant caste women, or their tap or position on the well is separately marked. In seven villages (11% of the sample villages) SC women are not allowed to fetch water from the well. They have to wait till the dominant caste women pour water into their pots. The dominant caste women who shout at them constantly humiliate SC women: ‘Keep distance, do not pollute us!’

Developing an understanding of caste-based exclusion/ discrimination and its impact on poverty

The main purpose of this section is to develop an understanding of caste-based exclusion/discrimination and its impact on lack of access to sources of income and poverty. Drawing from the theoretical interpretation we discuss the governing principles of the caste system that involve exclusion and discrimination, develop some insights on the concept of exclusion/discrimination, the way it has evolved in the modern economic literature and the consequences of exclusion on poverty and economic growth.

Interpreting caste and its consequences—Insights from theories

In its essential form caste as system of the production organisation and distribution is governed by certain customary rules and norms which are unique and distinct. In general the caste based economy is one in which occupations (or property rights) are hereditary, compulsory and endogamous. The organisational scheme of the caste system is based on division of people in social groups (or castes) in which the occupations and property rights of each individual caste are predetermined by birth and are hereditary. The assignment or division of occupations and property rights across castes is unequal and hierarchal. Some occupations are also considered socially inferior (or polluting) with low social status for those engaged in them. And lastly the caste economy is maintained or enforced through the instruments of social ostracism (system of social and economic penalties) with justification and support from philosophical elements in Hindu religion (Ambedkar 1936, Akerlof, 1976, Scoville, 1991, Romer, 1984, Lal, 1984).

In this systemic framework, the concept of ‘human rights’ assumes a specific meaning. Unlike many other societies, the caste system does not recognise the individual nor their distinctiveness as the centre of the social purpose. In fact for the purpose of rights and duties the unit of the Hindu society is not the individual. Even the family is not regarded as a unit of society except for the purposes of marriages and inheritance. The primary unit is caste and hence the rights and privileges (or lack of rights) of individuals are on account of them being members of a particular caste.

The caste system is based on a graded hierarchy. Various castes are artfully interlined with each other (in their rights and duties) in a manner that the rights and privileges of the ‘higher’ castes become the disadvantages of the ‘lower’ castes, particularly the ‘untouchables’. In this sense a caste in a single number cannot exist but only in plural numbers. Castes exist as a system of endogenous groups, which are interlinked with each other in unequal measure of rights and relations in all walks of life. Castes at the top of the order enjoy more rights, at the expense of those located at the bottom; untouchables at the bottom of caste hierarchy have much less economic and social rights. This is also due to a particular concept (or perspective) of ‘human hood’ involved in the caste system, under which the ‘untouchables’ are considered ‘inferior human beings’ and therefore not entitled to any individual social, religious, political and economic rights, while the ‘high’ caste Brahmins are considered as ‘superior human beings’ and entitled to more rights and privileges (Ambedkar, 1936).

Concept of caste-based exclusion and discrimination

Since the occupation and property rights of each caste are fixed and compulsory it necessarily involves forced exclusion of one caste from the occupations of other castes. Determination of occupation by birth obviously restricts the freedom of occupation but does not necessarily lead to deprivation and poverty, provided it there are reasonable sources of livelihood for each caste. In the case of ‘untouchables’ however, exclusion leads to deprivations insofar as they are excluded from access to all sources of livelihood, except manual labour and service to castes above them. Their exclusion is multiple, comprehensive and complete.

The concept of ‘exclusion and economic discrimination’ in modern economic literature has been developed with respect to race, ethnicity and gender. At a general level, social exclusion is considered as a process through which individuals are wholly or partially excluded from full participation in the society in which they live. As De Haan (1998), points out, social exclusion is opposite to social integration. Sen (2000) also draws a distinction between the situation where some people are being kept out (at least left out) and where some people are being included—may even be forced to be included—in deeply unfavourable terms and described the two situations as unfavourable exclusion and unfavourable inclusion. The ‘unfavourable inclusion’ particularly those with unequal treatment or unacceptable arrangement may carry the same adverse effects as the unfavourable exclusion does. This concept is quite close to the concept of ‘economic discrimination’ developed separately in recent economic literature related to race and gender, which recognised participation or access but with unequal treatment in the labour and other markets.

Discrimination in labour markets, for instance refers to a situation of unequal treatment of the workers possessing same productivity in hiring or in wage payment due to non economic group characteristics, such as race, colour or gender or caste. The real relevance of an exclusionary perspective is thus conditional on the nature of the process of deprivation.

Banerjee and Knight (1985), among others, have applied the concept of labour market and occupation discrimination to caste. While applying the concept developed in context of race and gender to the caste, it is necessary to recognise the uniqueness of caste discrimination. The normative framework of the caste system involves exclusion and discrimination in multiple market and non-market transactions and social relations. Some SCs also suffer from social exclusion due to the practice of untouchability, which brings an additional dimension to their discrimination and exclusion. Thus, exclusion and discrimination may involve:

• Denial of some groups in hiring for jobs or in sale and purchase of factors of production (like agriculture land, non land capital assets and various factors inputs), consumers goods, social service like education, housing and health including CPRs (such as water bodies and land).
• Differences between price charged or received and the market prices. This can include price of factor inputs and consumer’s goods, price of factors of productions such as wages for labour, price of land or rent on land, interest on capital, rent on residential houses, charges or fees on services such as water and, electricity.
• Participation in certain categories of jobs (the sweeper being excluded from inside household jobs such as cooking or others) and sale of certain consumer goods (such as vegetable or milk and similar items) because their occupation and physical touch is considered to be polluting.
• Use of public services like road, temples, water bodies and other public services.

Due to the physical (or residential) segregation and social exclusion due to the notion of untouchability, they suffer from a general exclusion in what Sen (2000) would describe as ‘constitutive relevance’ of exclusion, in which exclusion or deprivation has an intrinsic importance of its own—for instance not being able to relate to others and to take part in the life of the community—and can directly impoverish a person’s life, in addition to the further deprivation it may generate.

Likely adverse consequences and impact of social exclusion and discrimination on poverty

Another issue that needs consideration is estimating the consequences of various types of exclusions and differential treatment of access to CPRs, education, access to health services and food security schemes and channels through which social exclusion and discrimination aggravate poverty for excluded groups. In 2004—2005 about 36.8% of SC persons were below the poverty line in rural areas as compared to 22.7% among others. In urban areas the gap was slightly larger at 39.8% of SC and only 22.6% among others.

Economists maintain that efficient functioning of markets is of central importance in the development process and can have a profound impact on economic growth and the distribution of income. Since in a private economy markets are the place where people get access to factors of production, employment, consumers goods and service, the exclusion and discrimination of some groups in the market transactions on the basic group characteristic is a serious case of market failure. Market discrimination adversely affects both economic efficiency and income distribution. Discrimination thus is an issue not only of equity but also of economic growth (Birdsall and Sabot, 1991).

The consequences of the caste system are pronounced in income distribution and poverty of the excluded groups. Since the property rights are assigned unequally across the castes the income distribution is generally skewed on caste lines. The impact on the SC group is far more serious as they are excluded from property rights including education. Restriction on mobility of labour also leads to unemployment among this group. By not permitting readjustment of employment, caste becomes a direct cause of much of involuntary unemployment among the ‘low’ castes (Ambedkar, 1936; Akerlof, 1976).

Labour market discrimination slows down economic growth due to less than optimal allocation of labour among firms and economy, by reducing job commitment and efforts of workers who perceive themselves to be victims of discrimination and by reducing the magnitude of investment in human capital by discriminated groups and return on this investment (Birdsall and Sabot, 1991).

Further, the occupations of some castes are considered polluting and socially degrading. Forced into these occupations on account of their caste origin, people do not derive job satisfaction. In fact such occupations constantly provoke them to aversion, ill will and desire to evade which also affect their efficiency. Finally, exacerbating current inequality between groups and by contributing to its perpetuation across generations, discrimination and exclusion may foster conflict. Caste-based discrimination in access to sources of income, human development and in civil and political arenas thus has potential for conflict.

Common Pool Resources

The denial of access to CPRs at the village level such as water tanks, grazing land and forest resources will affect the fodder and drinking water for animals and the less income group because of reduced access to forest resources. In case of fodder, the reduced access to grazing land may compel the discriminated group to buy fodder from the market which will increase their cost and reduce income. Similarly, reduced access to forest resources will reduce their income and also for their other needs such as fuel.

Publicly supplied social needs and services

The social exclusion through non-market channels will take effect if there is complete denial of access to services offered by government and government supported public institutions or access with differential terms and conditions. Non-market transactions include goods and services supplied by the government and/or state supported public organisations and agents at fixed prices. These publicly supplied services include:

• Education.
• Health facilities.
• Drinking water and other civic amenities like public roads, electricity, public housing, etc.
• Village level CPRs like canals, tank water, grazing lands, forests, etc.

School education

Discrimination in schools in villages may take the form of denial of access to education and skill development and/or discriminatory treatment in school. This may reduce the quality of human resource and reduce the employability for quality jobs and force them to fallback on low earning manual wage labour in farming and non farming activities. Specifically, denial of access to education leads to high illiteracy, low functional literacy and high dropout rates, limited skill development and low human capital. Impact of limited skill development and low human capital due to discrimination in education may cause high representation in menial jobs, low wages, low income and ultimately high poverty.

Public and private health services

Discrimination in the sphere of public health and private health by service providers may operate through the denial of admission and /or through discriminatory access to primary health centres and private health service providers which may take the following forms:

• Separate standing lines.
• Being ignored and kept waiting for long periods.
• Discrimination in health check-up and treatment, including the avoidance of physical touch.
• Discrimination in the delivery of medicine.
• Avoidance of visit to houses by public and private doctors and medical practitioners.

Lower access to public and private health services affect the health status, increase the number of days fallen ill, lower the days of employment and ultimately affect the income levels negatively. Denial of access to public health services or improper services leads to the dependence on private health services providers with expensive medical treatment. This results in borrowing money for treatment and high debt, ultimately affecting income levels.

Summary

Micro level studies have shown that the SCs have experienced caste-based discrimination in accessing basic public services. Despite continuous contribution to the goods and services market, the Dalits in general and SCs in particular have been discriminated against and excluded in various markets—labour, input and consumer—as well as in use of CPRs. The government social welfare programmes of providing food such as mid-day meals for school children and food grains through fair price shops have not been spared from discrimination. The failure of entitlements due to caste-based exclusion is significant. From the empirical evidence it becomes apparent that, among other reasons, caste/untouchability-based exclusion and discrimination of the SCs, in the past and present (through residual traditional attitudes) continue to be the main reasons for their lower human development and higher deprivations.

Given the adverse consequences of economic and social discrimination on human poverty, reducing discrimination is necessary, as it is likely to enhance access to economic and educational rights and help reduce poverty and inter-group inequalities. This calls for corrective measures, preferably through legal procedures, to bring about equality across social groups in all spheres.

Policy suggestions

The high order of continuing ‘exclusion induced deprivation’ of disadvantaged groups of SCs indicates that addressing social exclusion is often a far more difficult challenge than material poverty. Social and cultural sources of exclusion in economic, civil and political spheres—including stigma, discrimination and denial of citizenship—are rooted in informal social structures and the institution of caste and untouchability not only in the private domain but also in the public domain governed by the state. In this context, the inclusion of excluded groups becomes somewhat different from the social inclusion of only materially deprived people.

Poverty, even when broadly defined as exclusion from means, necessary for full participation in normal activities of society, is largely a question of access to resources and services. Exclusion of groups, or individuals within those groups, is first of all a denial of equal opportunity, respect and recognition of right to development. Group exclusion is ‘horizontal’ in that it may affect even relatively better off members of excluded groups.

Fighting discrimination therefore calls for additional policies complementing anti-poverty and economic development programmes. But there is also considerable overlap and therefore there is need to combine and complement (and not separate), programmes against poverty and economic deprivation from policies for equal rights and social inclusion of disadvantaged groups. ‘Inclusive Policy’ must include interventions and positive steps to overcome social exclusion and discrimination in various market and non-market institutions from where persons access sources of livelihood and social needs like education and health services. In view of this we suggest the following steps as part of inclusive policy.

Non-discriminatory access to CPR at the village level

Inclusive policy will involve rules providing equal access to all members from the discriminated groups and necessary legal safeguard against the denial and discrimination in accessing the CPR. The positive action on the part of the government will involve priority in giving permits for grazing land and similar permissions to use forest resources.

Non-discriminatory access to civic amenities at the village level

Inclusive steps in the spheres of civic amenities include equal access to public sources of water, drainage in the localities of the discriminated groups and provision of electricity and other village level amenities. Inclusive policy will involve rules providing equal access to all members from the discriminated groups and necessary legal safeguard against the denial and discrimination in accessing civic amenities.

Government and government sponsored foods security schemes

There is also a need to ensure non-discriminatory access to food security schemes operated by government and government agencies. These may include mid-day meal schemes, nutritional food related schemes in agawanwadi centres, fair price shops and others.

Non-discriminatory access to education

Discrimination in education may occur inside the school which may operate in various spheres such as discriminatory behaviour of teacher toward the students in various manners, relation between the students, participation in the cultural and corporate life in the school, seating arrangements inside the classroom and discriminatory access to the facilities in the school such as mid-day meal, drinking water, supply of books and uniforms, scholarship provided by the government and occasional health services. This discrimination in multiple spheres and forms not only affect the social psychology of the discriminated students but also poor academic performance, withdrawal attitude and ultimately in the heavy dropout from schools.

The inclusive non-discriminatory policy would require a number of measures including rules and guidelines against the discriminatory practices in the school by the teacher, students and administrative staff towards the students belonging to discriminated groups in any form. Rules and guidelines for a non-discriminatory behaviour between:

• Teacher and students.
• Between student from discriminated groups with rest of the students.

Rules and guidelines for non-discriminatory access to the services provided in the school such as

• Drinking water.
• Mid-day meal.
• Supply of books and uniforms.
• Scholarship provided by the government.
• Occasional health services.

Rules and guidelines for equal and non-discriminatory participation in

• Sports and games.
• Cultural events, social events.
• Life in school.

All will require sensitisation programmes and even training for the teachers, administrative staff and students from the non discriminated groups to increase their awareness of the practices of discrimination in school and to overcome them.

Public and private health services

As mentioned above, discrimination in health may occur inside the public health centres and private hospitals in rural areas which may operate in various spheres. The inclusive non-discriminatory policy would require number of measures. This will include rules and guidelines against the discriminatory practices in the primary health centres and private health providers in the villages. Guidelines related to non-discriminatory behaviour may be in the following spheres:

• One single queue for all patients.
• Providing non-discriminatory treatment and health check-up by the doctors.

In conclusion, developing social inclusion policies requires information on the forms, nature and mechanism of exclusion in social, political and economic spheres and their consequences on human development. Studies on exclusion in economic spheres and access to CPRs have received much less attention. In order to bring more insight on the forms and nature of discrimination experienced by the SC in accessing various categories of commons, more research is necessary. This will enable us to understand the economic processes of exclusion and help to develop policies of inclusion which are so essential in Indian society that is characterised by a high degree of exclusion based inequalities, deprivation and poverty of a vast section of the population.

Tables

Table 1: Denial of Access to Basic Public Services (Forms/sites arranged in decreasing order of incidence; pooled data from 11 states)
Public Spheres	% of villages practiced		% of villages not practiced	Villages surveyed
Water facilities	48.4	(255)	43.5	527
Barbers’ services	46.6	(229)	41.3	491
Waterman’s services	45.8	(194)	43.2	424
Carpenter’s services	25.7	(117)	68.1	455
Potter will not sell pots	20.5	(75)	68.2	365
Entry into village shops	35.8	(186)	57.0	519
Entry into restaurants /hotels	25.6	(92)	64.9	359
Entry into private/public health centre/clinic	21.3	(74)	72.4	348
Entry into public transport	9.2	(41)	87.0	447
Entry/Seating in cinema halls	3.2	(6)	93.0	187

Source: Shah, Ghanshyam, Harsh Mander, Thorat Sukhdeo, Satish Deshpande and Amita Baviskar. 2006. Untouchability in Rural India. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Note: Figures in brackets are number of villages where form is practiced. Villages where status of practice is ambiguous are excluded from both ‘practiced’ and ‘not practiced’ categories. Total surveyed villages exclude villages where relevant institution/site is absent.

Table 2: Discriminatory Treatment in Public Services (Forms/sites arranged in decreasing order of incidence; pooled data from 11 states)
Denial and/or discrimination	% of villages practiced		% of villages not practiced	Villages surveyed
Water facilities	48.4	(255)	43.5	527
Barbers’ services	46.6	(229)	41.3	491
Waterman’s services	45.8	(194)	43.2	424
Carpenter’s services	25.7	(117)	68.1	455
Potter will not sell pots	20.5	(75)	68.2	365
Entry into village shops	35.8	(186)	57.0	519
Entry into restaurants / hotels	25.6	(92)	64.9	359
Entry into private / public health centre / clinic	21.3	(74)	72.4	348
Entry into public transport	9.2	(41)	87.0	447
Entry/Seating in cinema halls	3.2	(6)	93.0	187

Source and note as above.

Table 3: Market Discrimination — Access to Work & Resources (Forms/sites; pooled data from 11 states)
Forms of Untouchability	% of villages practiced		% of villages not practiced	Villages surveyed
(a) Labour Market
Denied work as agricultural labour	35.5	(158)	60.0	445
No touching when paying wages	37.1	(174)	59.7	469
Paid lower wages for the same work	24.5	(119)	70.8	486
SC not employed in house construction	28.7	(152)	62.0	529
(b) Input Market
Denied access to irrigation facilities	32.6	(152)	59.4	466
(c) Common Pool Resources
Denied access to grazing/ fishing grounds	20.9	(76)	71.7	364
(d) Consumer Market – Sale & Purchase
Not allowed to sell milk to cooperatives	46.7	(162)	48.1	347
Prevented from selling in local markets	35.4	(165)	54.9	466
Not allowed to buy from milk cooperatives	27.8	(100)	59.2	360

Source and note as above.

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Endnotes

1 Acharya Sangamitra (2009), ‘Public Health Care Services and Caste Discrimination: A Case of Dalit Children’ in Thorat S.K. (ed), Blocked by Caste–Economic Discrimination and Social Exclusion in Modern India, OUP, New Delhi.

2 Shah G, Mander H, Thorat S, Deshpande S, Baviskar A. Untouchability in Rural India. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2006.

3 Thorat Sukhadeo, Mahamallik Motilal and Sadana Nidhi (2009), Caste System and Patterns of Discrimination in Thorat Sukhadeo and Newman Katherine S. (ed), ‘Blocked by Caste: Economic discrimination in Modern India’, Oxford, New Delhi.

4 Shah, G, 1998. ‘Caste and Untouchability : Theory and Practice’. Paper presented in Seminar ‘Ambedkar in Retrospect’, JNU, New Delhi, 1998.

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